It is time for Omar Abdullah to expand and reform his cabinet of ministers for better governance. Health and Education must be ministered by two separate ministers.
In its current form, the Omar Abdullah-led cabinet resembles a skeleton crew — just five ministers are expected to shoulder the administrative, political, and developmental responsibilities of an entire region. For a state as complex, diverse, and politically sensitive as Jammu & Kashmir, such a setup is not only unsustainable but also ineffective. Governance, especially in a transitional period where public expectations are high and political trust remains fragile, can’t thrive on austerity when it comes to leadership and ministerial representation. The National Conference (NC), having regained partial public confidence through recent electoral performance, must now translate electoral legitimacy into effective governance. A key part of that transition lies in ensuring that the administrative machinery is robust, representative, and responsive. This can’t happen when the cabinet is artificially limited to five ministers. Expanding the council of ministers to at least nine—as possible in UT model of governance in J&K, is not just a matter of convenience—it is a democratic necessity and an administrative imperative. Five ministers for an entire Union Territory, particularly one as geopolitically sensitive and developmentally demanding as J&K, defies the logic of modern governance. Ministries like education, health, rural development, urban housing, tourism, public works, tribal affairs, and social welfare require focused leadership. With so many portfolios bundled together and handed to a handful of individuals, the results are inevitable: underperformance, delays in execution, bureaucratic bottlenecks, and a growing sense of detachment from the grassroots. It Is not an exaggeration to say that many departments are either operating on autopilot or remain stuck in procedural limbo. The damage from this is not technical; it is political. In the absence of a visible, accessible, and accountable cabinet, the public begins to perceive governance as distant and indifferent—an image that Omar Abdullah, with his comparatively progressive political outlook and past administrative experience, cannot afford to carry into the future. Expanding the cabinet is one part of the equation. The other—and perhaps more significant—component is the quality and credibility of those who are inducted. The mere increase in numbers will do little if it simply reaffirms old hierarchies and protects legacy politicians whose relevance has faded and whose performance does not justify their retention. A current minister also a former minister has remained in political circles more due to her familial lineage and party loyalty than because of any groundbreaking achievements in governance. In a region that is struggling with high unemployment, growing gender disparity in public life, and weak delivery of welfare schemes, her continued presence in the cabinet appears to serve more symbolic than functional value. This is not a personal indictment but a political evaluation. Kashmir, like the rest of India, is changing rapidly. The youth are more informed, aspirational, and impatient. They do not connect with leaders who have become synonymous with inertia. A new political language and leadership style is emerging—one that is rooted in performance, visibility, and transparency. If Omar Abdullah truly wishes to reinvigorate the NC and position it as the party of tomorrow, he must not shy away from retiring underperforming ministers and elevating fresh, capable voices from within and outside the party structure. There is no wrong if Omar borrows capable people across party affiliations for robust governance. Omar Abdullah’s earlier stint as Chief Minister (2009–2015) was marked by mixed reviews. While he was seen as articulate, media-savvy, and pro-development, his government often suffered from lack of coordination, poor communication during crises, and a sense of elite detachment. Part of that stemmed from a cabinet that was heavy on seniority but light on energy and engagement.
“Jammu & Kashmir needs results, not rhetoric. Results come from good governance, which starts with effective leadership at all levels. By expanding his cabinet to nine or more ministers and retiring non-performing figures, Omar Abdullah can signal a new chapter for both the National Conference and the people of J&K. This would demonstrate political maturity and administrative responsibility—exactly what the moment demands.”
There were repeated complaints about ministers who barely visited their constituencies, who relied excessively on bureaucrats for decisions, and who failed to address even basic grievances of the public. A chance to correct that mistake now lies before him. With a reshuffled and re-energized cabinet, Omar can send a clear message that this is not business as usual; that the NC is listening, evolving, and taking steps to align itself with the aspirations of a new generation of Kashmiris. There is also a deeper political calculus at play. By expanding his cabinet and ensuring regional, gender, and sectoral representation, Omar can consolidate NC’s position across both the Jammu and Kashmir divisions. It would help bridge gaps that have emerged within the party’s own base—between the old guard and the youth, between rural and urban constituents, and between traditional elites and emerging grassroots leaders. Moreover, such a move would put pressure on rival parties like the PDP and BJP to respond in kind, potentially initiating a broader culture of performance-based politics. In a post-Article 370 landscape where party politics in J&K is undergoing significant churn, such initiatives can have far-reaching consequences. Beyond political faces, Omar should also consider inducting individuals with technical expertise—former bureaucrats, educationists, or public health experts—who can lend competence and credibility to key ministries. J&K suffers not just from political instability but also from chronic capacity deficits in its institutions. A forward-looking cabinet should therefore include reformers who can drive policy innovation and ensure better implementation. This model has already been tested in several Indian states and even at the central level, with domain experts being brought in through Rajya Sabha or special advisory councils. While the constitutionally limited size of the UT cabinet may restrict numbers, the idea remains sound: governance must be made smarter, not just bigger. The final—and most important—reason why Omar must act lies in public sentiment. The average Kashmiri is weary of recycled slogans, unkept promises, and leadership that is too distant to relate to everyday struggles. They want results: better roads, timely salaries, effective schools, cleaner cities, and responsive healthcare. They want ministers who show up, listen, and act. An expanded and revitalized cabinet is the first signal that the government takes these demands seriously. It is also a visible commitment to the idea that governance is not the preserve of a few but a collective responsibility shared by capable individuals across regions and communities. Every political leader is faced with moments that define their legacy. For Omar Abdullah, this is one such moment. He can either continue with the minimalist model, held hostage by loyalty politics and legacy ministers, or he can take a bold step forward—reconfiguring his cabinet to reflect energy, talent, and modernity. Jammu & Kashmir does not need more rhetoric. It needs results. And results come from good governance. Good governance, in turn, begins with good leadership at every level. By expanding his cabinet to nine or more ministers and retiring non-performing figures, Omar Abdullah can signal a new chapter not just for the National Conference but for the people of J&K. It would be an act of political maturity and administrative responsibility—precisely what the moment demands.
(The author is a teacher and a researcher based in Gowhar Pora Chadoora of Central Kashmir’s Budgam district. The views, opinions and conclusions expressed in this article are those of the author and aren’t necessarily in accord with the views of “Kashmir Horizon”)
Dr. Ashraf Zainabi
