With the release of BJP manifesto the message is clear: BJP is seeking a mandate on its traditional issues and not a referendum on five year BJP led NDA rule under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modirime. In fact it is Modi who is pursuing the Sangh-BJP line, not the other way round. The hardline manifesto—which talks of undiluted commitment to construction of Ram temple at Ayodhya, abrogation of Article 370, and formulation of a uniform civil code—is at variance with Modi’s earlier assertions that these issues would be handled by a more pragmatic approach though legal routes and politico-religious consensus among the concerned parties. In fact, many RSS hardliners saw no dangerous drift in Modi’s ‘vote for development for reasons that he did not let down the Sangh on relations with Pakistan, offensives against militancy and separatists in Jammu & Kashmir . Modi knows it well that Sangh has many a times in the past resorted to the extreme step of warning the BJP not to dilute its stand on Hindutva and related issues. Sangh has many a times conveyed it in unambiguous terms to the BJP that any dilution on core issues would endanger the very existence of the BJP. Indeed, if Narendra Modi is the projected face of the BJP for the position of Prime Minister for another five years, Nitin Gadkari is the hidden face—as he has worked well as BJP President in yester years .Gadkari’s name surfacing as an alternative to Narendra Modi for the position of Prime Minister could be an attempt to convey a message to Prime Minister Modi that crossing the RSS red line could lead to his replacement after the lok sabha elections are over. Interestingly Modi is tending to be a committed votary of a hardline manifesto and a continued role for the Sangh in policy formulation just to secure his future as Prime Minister for another term of five years if the BJP is voted back to power. Modi knows it well that there are about 50,000 regular RSS shakhas, with an average of 100 participants in each, and the BJP depends on these volunteers for its grassroots organisation.
Moreover, there are over 150 RSS pracharaks (full-timers) engaged in the party organisation in crucial capacities and nearly 90 per cent of the 160-odd national executive members have an RSS background and Gadkari’s Nagpur connection could be his qualification for replacing Modi as Chief Ministerial candidate. Though Modi’s supremacy is undeniable as he has been choosen by the Sangh as the Prime Ministerial candidate, but it is still not clear whether he would overcome dissidence brewing up within the BJP before the results of seven phase parliamentary elections are announced next month or not. The core issues of the Sangh agenda which have been incorporated in the BJP manifesto could checkmate Modi’s overtures as his followers in the BJP are getting blows one after the other. Since dissidents are looking for an opportunity to trouble Modi and his flock, it is too early to say that anti-Modi dissidents would give up the move too early.The dissidence against Modi stems not from a political compulsion, but a personal clash of egos. Modi is trying to prove himself as the true inheritor of all that Gandhi, C. Rajagopalachari, Sardar Patel and P.D. Tandon stood for but the post poll scenario will decide the future course for Modi and his flock in BJP . Interestingly, in post-manifesto election speeches, Modi harps more on hardline political manifesto, but less on the politics of inheritance revolving around the political philosophies of Gandhi, C. Rajagopalachari, Sardar Patel and P.D. Tandon. Political ambitions of retaining the position of Prime Minister in the wake of a decisive mandate for BJP for another five years have prompted Modi to drift away from showing intents of becoming a healer, humanist, a progressive and liberal who would bring the political process to immediate fruition.