Nasir Aslam
With the perspective blurred, dialogue curtailed and achievement dead locked the prospects in the holistic dynamic evolution of Northern Ireland’s political, institutional and inter-communal genetics and physiology necessitate new transformational paradigms of collective societal interactions and mutual empowerment – with harmonious and consistent networking between all interactional unionists loyal in defence of British unionism. From this bastion of invulnerable strength and fortitudinous unity, we can embrace, muster and conserve the political will to expedite and proliferate enough leverage to weave together, consolidate and assert the political fabric and integrity of Northern Ireland’s unassailable independence as the inseparable and patriotic aggregate of the United Kingdom. The limbo and inertia we must extricate ourselves from must proactively intersperse and cohere a campaign of grassroots political pedagogy, activism and praxis and entice constituencies to liberate themselves from the consequences of ‘inverted’ democratic influence, or a democratic deficit. In order to counter pose this inversion we need to encourage intraspecific complementarily with a view to improving unionist convocational community federalism. We hope that British unionists of whatever party can secure their footing and engender equilibrium and symbiosis against factional divisions and fragmentation, ‘power-sharing’ at present is a forlorn illusion – synthetic and in the long grass. We must also assist ‘Black and minority-ethnic’ communities in Northern Ireland in our fight against the menacing spectre of the far right, or hard right, or the radical right’s ideological discourse on cultural racism or cultural supremacy. Black philosophy in our multi-racial society must be prioritised in these paradigms, in our coordinated campaign of democratisation, empowerment and economic prosperity where we attain and are encouraged into myriad socio-political opportunities and supported in these roles throughout – in education, industry, agriculture, business, government services and local development including sports and the arts.
The democratic deficit and disconnect that potentially polarises the effective ensemble of the operative matrix and political direction of active ‘organic’ citizenship in Northern Ireland should not foment discrepancy against our irrepressible vanguard and fortress vehemently repelling the megalomaniac republicanism seeking to encroach the prestige powerhouse of our political fabric, fulcrum, function and formation. This encroaching militancy aiming to debase, subvert and dislodge the unassailable ascendancy of our parliamentary ontological altogether holistic unionism must be fought back. The awareness on Northern Ireland in local government, local schools and local institutionalisation in Lancashire – England for example is in need of improved community education and community engagement. I am no expert on local issues, in England, Scotland and Wales, or Northern Ireland itself, however it is apparent to me that the developments in Northern Ireland have not been politicised or internalised in local politics in Lancashire quite enough or quite in the way the government would like. The community configuration and dynamics in Northern Ireland are essentially about political modernisation and the further democratisation and inherent solidarity of British unionism. If we meticulously dissect, decipher and delineate this question we can acquaint the public with the works and overall integrity of the British government in Belfast (Northern Ireland Assembly) and in corresponding local assemblies. It is this holistic ensemble of a cultural paradigm nurturing inter-ethnic multigenerational interlocalisation cross-fertilisation of local communities in the national context that must form the crux, nexus and potency in fostering political cohesion and coherence in Northern Ireland and likewise in an ‘undivided’ and autonomous Kashmir comprising the North seamlessly with the troubled South. The Scots naturally have age-old ideas and keen awareness on Northern Ireland, these are self-sustaining and have contributed positively to our British identity, they do however need revamping – through Westminster, through Hollywood and ultimately through invigorating schemes of community empowerment-education for local development.
The idea that the Scots, Welsh and English can give Northern Ireland a convocational focus in Westminster is great; however Northern Ireland really needs and really wants the whole of the United Kingdom involved with its political or public affairs. Let’s take the Welsh for example, other than impassioned patriotic feelings for British unionism in Northern Ireland, we need them also to support these with greater Welsh political engagement in the Northern Ireland Office in Westminster, through which the National Assembly for Wales can effectively devolve decision making and enhance empowerment-education on Northern Ireland that reflects complementarily in its constituencies with that in the whole of Great Britain. I am not saying there aren’t highly developed intellectuals with gifted ability on Northern Ireland in Lancashire, I am only saying that like the Scots and the Welsh they need to become more visible, more vocal and more united in the reciprocal ways I have critiqued and highlighted here. A united Kashmir is ultimately in the best interests of Pakistan and our desire for an unfettered Kashmir, it needn’t be ‘administered’ like a ‘pigment of your imagination’ somehow illusionary of concrete self-actualisation but rather become autonomously self-governed and self-reliant in every coinciding sum of its parts.
(The author Nasir Aslam, Burnley & Pendle – is an activist and writer,Non-partisan vanguard on Palestine, United Kingdom. Views are his own)
